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The transcripts made the names impossible to ignore. These cards put the public record next to the face: House PTR PDFs, Senate complaint exhibits, official member pages, the actual reporting windows, and the tiny fee that still governs late disclosure.
This batch starts with names whose filing trail can actually be inspected: House PTRs in the Clerk database, plus Senate annual-report and PTR exhibits surfaced in ethics complaints and cross-checked against the Senate rulebook. Each card is built to show the evidence before the opinion.
The system still lets trades happen first and disclosure come later. That is why a page like this needs both the rulebook and the individual files.
House and Senate ethics guidance both still anchor late-filing enforcement around a $200 penalty.
House and Senate guidance both use 30 days from awareness or written notification.
House and Senate guidance both use a 45-day backstop from the transaction date.
H.R. 5106 and S. 1879 both cover members, spouses, and dependent children rather than treating family accounts as a side issue.
These cards are not the end of the list. They are the first verified scorecards from the current congressional record layer. More names can be added as the filing trail is assembled.
These are not blind-trust filings. Pelosi's 2025 House PTRs show spouse-held options in major technology names, large share sales, and another seven-figure-to-eight-figure bracketed transaction later in the year.
Moore's first House year already produced a long chain of PTRs. The official files show repeated leveraged ETF trading, fast turnover in individual names, and public disclosure happening only after the trades were already made.
This file is less about one giant options trade and more about the loophole itself. The 2025 record runs through dependent-child and IRA activity, which is exactly why stock-ban reform proposals now name family accounts directly.
The strongest public issue here is not one magic trade. It is the filing trail. The Senate complaint says Mullin's annual reports and PTRs did not line up cleanly, while the disclosed holdings included names like RTX and ConocoPhillips.
Tuberville's scorecard is less about one perfect stock pick and more about scale. The public record complaint says nearly 130 trades were disclosed late, including names tied to the federal COVID-19 response while he sat on HELP.
These sections keep the accusation smaller than the evidence. They show what was filed, which household code appears on the form, and why the public is right to see a trust problem here.
These are not blind-trust filings. Pelosi's 2025 House PTRs show spouse-held options in major technology names, large share sales, and another seven-figure-to-eight-figure bracketed transaction later in the year.
The House search results show three 2025 periodic transaction reports under Pelosi's name.
The filing code `SP` marks spouse-held transactions, which is why reform bills now target family accounts too.
The public record shows options, large common-stock moves, and repeated filings inside the same year.
Filing ID `#20026590`, signed January 17, 2025, shows spouse-held call options in Alphabet, Amazon, NVIDIA, Tempus AI, and Vistra. That is not a passive-index portfolio. It is targeted household trading in large technology and energy names.
That same filing shows 31,600 Apple shares sold and 10,000 NVIDIA shares sold, alongside the exercise of 500 NVIDIA call options into 50,000 shares. The point of the scorecard is not to call that a crime by itself. It is to show how concentrated and high-dollar the household activity actually was.
Filing ID `#20030630`, signed July 9, 2025, adds a Broadcom exercise bracketed at up to $5 million. Filing ID `#20033337`, signed October 24, 2025, adds another spouse-held Apple sale. The public record does not show one isolated trade. It shows a continuing pattern.
The July 9, 2025 PTR lists a Broadcom exercise bracketed at $1,000,001 to $5,000,000.
The January 17, 2025 PTR lists a December 20, 2024 NVIDIA common-stock exercise bracketed at $500,001 to $1,000,000.
The January 17, 2025 PTR lists Tempus AI call options bracketed at $50,001 to $100,000.
House Ethics says a report filed more than 30 days late generally triggers a $200 fee unless waived.
Search `Pelosi`, filing year `2025`, state `CA`, district `11` to view the published periodic transaction reports.
January 17, 2025 filing showing spouse-held options in Alphabet, Amazon, NVIDIA, Tempus AI, and Vistra, plus Apple and NVIDIA share sales.
July 9, 2025 filing showing a Broadcom exercise bracketed at $1,000,001 to $5,000,000.
October 24, 2025 filing showing a spouse-held Apple partial sale.
The House stock-trading reform bill covers members, spouses, and dependent children, which is why household-account activity matters.
Moore's first House year already produced a long chain of PTRs. The official files show repeated leveraged ETF trading, fast turnover in individual names, and public disclosure happening only after the trades were already made.
The House search results show twelve 2025 periodic transaction reports under Tim Moore's name.
Tim Moore's official House press kit says he serves on Financial Services and the Budget Committee.
The filings show repeated leveraged ETF trades alongside frequent single-stock turnover.
Filing IDs `#20030824` and `#20031020` show repeated trades in the Direxion Daily Small Cap Bear 3X ETF (`TZA`). One July 16 sale is bracketed at up to $250,000. One August 25 purchase is bracketed at up to $100,000. This is not a one-off buy-and-hold position.
The May 5 and June 13 filings also show TQQQ, SMCY, Apple, Harley-Davidson, Centene, and other names moving through the account. The public record points to a member actively rotating through individual stocks and leveraged ETFs in his first House year.
Tim Moore's own press kit says he serves on Financial Services and the Budget Committee. That does not prove insider trading. It does show why active market trading by sitting members keeps generating public distrust, especially when the disclosure delay and late-fee structure remain so weak.
The August 5, 2025 PTR shows a July 16 sale in TZA bracketed at $100,001 to $250,000.
The September 3, 2025 PTR shows an August 25 TZA purchase bracketed at $50,001 to $100,000.
The May 5, 2025 PTR shows a TQQQ sale bracketed at $50,001 to $100,000.
House Ethics still anchors late filing enforcement around a $200 fee.
Official House page listing Tim Moore's committees and office biography.
Search `Moore`, filing year `2025`, state `NC`, district `14` to view the published PTR set.
May 2025 filing showing TQQQ and SMCY activity alongside other individual-stock trades.
August 2025 filing showing multiple July TZA purchases and a TZA sale bracketed at $100,001 to $250,000.
September 2025 filing showing more TZA activity, including an August 25 purchase bracketed at $50,001 to $100,000.
Official House Ethics guidance on the 30-day awareness rule, the 45-day transaction backstop, and the $200 late fee.
This file is less about one giant options trade and more about the loophole itself. The 2025 record runs through dependent-child and IRA activity, which is exactly why stock-ban reform proposals now name family accounts directly.
The House search results show nine 2025 periodic transaction reports under Debbie Wasserman Schultz's name.
The 2025 filings use `DC` for Dependent Child C and separately flag an IRA-held asset.
The trades run through mining, med-tech, telecom, aerospace, industrial, and airline names.
Filing ID `#20030577`, signed July 1, 2025, shows a New Gold purchase. The transaction date listed on the form is February 28, 2024, but the public disclosure lands in 2025. That gap is exactly why the rule structure matters as much as the trade itself.
Later 2025 filings attribute multiple trades to `Dependent Child C`, including Ichor Holdings, Stratasys, AngioDynamics, and Innovex. These are not passive broad-market holdings. They are specific household picks moving through a dependent-child account.
Filing ID `#20032230` separately flags Berry Corporation as an IRA-held asset. Put together, the 2025 file set shows why members' own names are only part of the story. The household-account problem is real enough that reform bills now write spouses and dependent children directly into the text.
The July 1, 2025 PTR lists New Gold at $1,001 to $15,000.
The August 6, 2025 PTR lists an Ichor Holdings purchase at $1,001 to $15,000.
The December 8, 2025 PTR lists an Innovex sale of $1,140 by Dependent Child C.
The House late filing fee is still only $200.
Search `Wasserman Schultz`, filing year `2025`, state `FL`, district `25` to view the published PTR set.
July 1, 2025 filing showing a New Gold purchase.
August 6, 2025 filing showing an Ichor Holdings purchase attributed to Dependent Child C.
October 6, 2025 filing showing Berry Corporation held in an IRA.
December 8, 2025 filing showing an Innovex sale attributed to Dependent Child C.
The reform bill explicitly covers spouses and dependent children, which is the policy reason these household-account filings matter.
The strongest public issue here is not one magic trade. It is the filing trail. The Senate complaint says Mullin's annual reports and PTRs did not line up cleanly, while the disclosed holdings included names like RTX and ConocoPhillips.
The September 2024 ethics complaint alleges at least ten unreported 2023 transactions.
The complaint says Mullin's January 26, 2024 PTR reported 43 transactions.
Mullin's official Senate biography lists Armed Services, Appropriations, HELP, and Indian Affairs.
Campaign Legal Center's September 25, 2024 complaint says Mullin's 2022 and 2023 annual reports show at least nine new stock holdings in 2023 without corresponding periodic transaction reports, amounting to at least ten transactions worth up to $150,000. That is an allegation, not a court finding. It is still a concrete public-record claim attached to the Senate ethics process.
That same complaint says Mullin's January 26, 2024 PTR reported 43 transactions, including partial sales of several stocks that had newly appeared in the 2023 annual report. The exhibits list names like RTX and ConocoPhillips. This is why the late-disclosure structure keeps looking less like transparency and more like cleanup after the fact.
Mullin's official Senate biography says he serves on Armed Services, Appropriations, HELP, and Indian Affairs. That does not prove insider trading. It does explain why targeted trading in sectors tied to federal policy, then disclosed through a messy or incomplete trail, lands so badly with the public.
Campaign Legal Center's September 25, 2024 complaint says Mullin failed to disclose at least ten 2023 transactions worth up to $150,000.
The complaint's exhibits list a September 13, 2023 RTX purchase bracketed at $15,001 to $50,000.
The same exhibit lists an October 3, 2023 RTX purchase bracketed at $1,001 to $15,000.
The Senate ethics instructions still use a $200 penalty for reports filed more than 30 days late.
Official Senate page listing Mullin's committee assignments and biography.
The Senate's official disclosure hub explains the filing system the complaint points back to.
Official Senate instructions describing the 30-day awareness rule, the 45-day transaction backstop, and the $200 late-filing penalty.
September 25, 2024 complaint alleging missing PTRs and attaching the annual-report and January 2024 PTR comparison.
The Senate stock-trading reform bill covers members, spouses, and dependent children rather than treating household accounts as a loophole.
Tuberville's scorecard is less about one perfect stock pick and more about scale. The public record complaint says nearly 130 trades were disclosed late, including names tied to the federal COVID-19 response while he sat on HELP.
The July 2021 complaint says Tuberville made nearly 130 stock trades from January to May 2021.
The same filing values those trades at approximately $894,000 to $3.56 million.
The complaint says Tuberville sat on HELP while the committee oversaw the federal COVID-19 response.
Campaign Legal Center's July 29, 2021 complaint says Tuberville made nearly 130 stock trades from January to May 2021, with total value ranging from about $894,000 to $3.56 million, but did not disclose them on time. The complaint says some of those trades were not reported until six months after they occurred. That is a filing-timeline problem the public can actually inspect.
The same complaint says Tuberville sat on the Senate HELP Committee while late-disclosed trades involved Regeneron, Johnson & Johnson, and 3M, companies tied to the government's COVID-19 response. That is not proof of insider trading by itself. It is exactly the kind of committee-to-market overlap that keeps generating public suspicion.
The Senate rulebook still uses a 30-day awareness window, a 45-day backstop, and a $200 penalty. When the public record can show nearly 130 trades and a complaint still has to fight for scrutiny, the problem is not just one senator. It is the structure Congress keeps preserving.
Campaign Legal Center's July 29, 2021 complaint says Tuberville's January-to-May 2021 trading totaled roughly $894,000 to $3.56 million.
The complaint's attached PTR shows a January 4, 2021 sale of ONEQ bracketed at $100,001 to $250,000.
That same attached PTR shows a February 16, 2021 purchase of Occidental Petroleum bracketed at $15,001 to $50,000.
The Senate ethics rulebook still anchors late filing enforcement around a $200 penalty.
Official Senate page listing Tuberville's committees, including HELP and Armed Services.
Official Senate disclosure hub for annual reports and periodic transaction reports.
Official Senate instructions describing the 30-day awareness rule, the 45-day transaction backstop, and the $200 late-filing penalty.
July 29, 2021 complaint alleging untimely disclosure of nearly 130 stock trades and attaching the relevant PTR.
The Senate stock-trading reform bill covers members, spouses, and dependent children rather than leaving household accounts outside the rule.
These cards are built to survive inspection. The claims stay attached to filing IDs, complaint exhibits, official member pages, and the actual House and Senate rules instead of drifting into vibes.
These scorecards start with official House periodic transaction reports, the Senate disclosure portal, ethics rulebooks, complaint exhibits, and official member pages. The video transcripts pointed us to names. The cards are built from documents.
We are not calling every ugly trade a prosecutable crime. The public problem is larger than that. Congress still permits a structure that keeps producing suspicion, outrage, and conflict-of-interest signals.
Family accounts matter. The public record uses markers like `SP` for spouse, `DC` for dependent child, and joint-account ownership in Senate filings. Congress knows that matters too, which is why current reform bills write spouses and dependents directly into the text.
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